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Historical Deseret Spellings

๐๐ฎ๐‘…๐ป๐ซ๐‘‰๐ฎ๐ฟ๐ฒ๐‘Š ๐”๐ฏ๐‘…๐จ๐‘‰๐ฏ๐ป ๐๐น๐ฏ๐‘Š๐ฎ๐‘๐‘†

Lehi discovering the Liahona on the ground outside his tent
[๐]๐จ ๐บ๐จ๐ธ๐ฏ๐‘Š๐ผ ๐ฒ๐น๐ฑ๐‘Œ ๐‘„ ๐‘€๐‘‰๐ต๐‘Œ๐ผ ๐ช ๐‘‰๐ต๐‘Œ๐ผ ๐บ๐ซ๐‘Š ๐ฑ๐‘‚ ๐ฟ๐ฎ๐ญ๐‘‰๐ฎ๐ฒ๐‘… ๐ถ๐ฒ๐‘‰๐ฟ๐‘‹๐ฒ๐‘Œ๐‘‡๐ฎ๐น.

Writing by Soundโ€”or by Spelling?

Vowel Reduction

One of the most noticeable differences between nineteenth-century Deseret spelling and present-day expectations concerns unstressed vowels. A modern writer might use ๐ฒ, the STRUT vowel, broadly for reduced unstressed vowels, treating it as the closest available equivalent to schwa. Standard nineteenth-century versions of the Deseret Alphabet, however, had no separate symbol specifically assigned to schwa.

BoM69 prints mother as ๐‘‹๐ฒ๐‘„๐ฏ๐‘‰ (p. 3), father as ๐‘๐ช๐‘„๐ฏ๐‘‰ (p. 1), and brother as ๐บ๐‘‰๐ฒ๐‘„๐ฏ๐‘‰ (p. 6). In each case, the final syllable contains ๐ฏ, the DRESS vowel. A present-day reader who gives that vowel its full citation-form value may therefore produce a pronunciation more deliberate than ordinary speech would suggest.

The contrast with monosyllabic her, ๐ธ๐ฒ๐‘‰ (p. 8), is especially revealing. The printed texts do not simply use one Deseret sequence wherever modern spelling contains er. Yet the repeated ๐ฏ๐‘‰ in mother, father, and brother suggests that the conventional spelling of the unstressed ending, together with contemporary dictionary analysis, influenced the Deseret forms.

The word wilderness, ๐ถ๐ฎ๐‘Š๐ผ๐ฏ๐‘‰๐‘Œ๐ฏ๐‘… (BoM69, p. 1), provides another example. Both -der- and -ness contain ๐ฏ. Many present-day speakers reduce one or both of these vowels in ordinary speech. The Deseret spelling therefore preserves a fuller vowel analysis than many modern readers might expect.

Categories and Analysis

Some Deseret spellings are easier to understand when we remember that nineteenth-century editors were not working from modern phonological categories. Websterโ€™s 1864 dictionary offered its own system for describing English vowels, and the Deseret publications often reflect that system. The relationship between spelling and sound was therefore mediated by a dictionary tradition as well as by what a writer or editor heard.

The word revelation, ๐‘‰๐ฏ๐‘‚๐จ๐‘Š๐ฉ๐‘‡๐ฒ๐‘Œ (p. i), is instructive. Its second vowel is ๐จ, the FLEECE vowel, where many speakers today have a reduced vowel. That spelling may reflect a fuller historical pronunciation, a dictionary-based analysis, or some combination of the two.

The ending, ๐‘‡๐ฒ๐‘Œ, shows at the same time that nineteenth-century writers did not simply avoid ๐ฒ in unstressed syllables. They regularly used it where conventional spelling contained an unstressed o or a. In the terminology of the period, the vowel represented by ๐ฒ was generally treated as the โ€œshortโ€ counterpart of the GOAT vowel.

The point is not that every surprising Deseret vowel can be mechanically predicted from Webster. Rather, Webster helps explain why nineteenth-century editors sometimes divided the English vowel system differently from modern readers and why a printed Deseret spelling may preserve a historical analysis rather than a transparent record of casual pronunciation.

When Roman Spelling Shows Through

Other forms suggest that conventional English spelling itself sometimes influenced Deseret transcription. This is particularly clear when words that appear similar in pronunciation receive different Deseret spellings that correspond closely to differences in their Roman-alphabet forms.

Moriancumer, ๐ฃ๐ฌ๐‘‰๐ฎ๐ฐ๐‘Œ๐ฟ๐ฎ๐ญ๐‘‹๐ฏ๐‘‰ (p. xi), ends in the now-familiar ๐ฏ๐‘‰. Coriantumr, ๐—๐ซ๐‘‰๐ฎ๐ฐ๐‘Œ๐ป๐ฒ๐‘‹๐‘‰ (p. vi), does not. The difference corresponds strikingly to the Roman spellings -er and -r. In a system based solely on pronunciation, such a contrast would require an independent phonetic explanation. In context, influence from the conventional spelling is the likelier explanation.

The same possibility helps explain the treatment of unstressed -er in mother, father, and brother. The Deseret texts were created by writers who were already fully literate in conventional English orthography. They did not approach spoken English as if Roman spelling did not exist.

This is one of the central lessons of the historical corpus: even a phonetic or phonemic spelling reform does not begin from sound alone. Writers hear speech through categories they already know, including the categories supplied by traditional spelling and dictionaries.

Difficult Cases

Some spellings remain difficult to explain with confidence. In such cases, several possibilities may overlap: historical pronunciation, dictionary convention, editorial habit, and influence from Roman spelling. The surviving printed forms do not always tell us which factor mattered most.

The formidable continually, ๐ฟ๐ฒ๐‘Œ๐ป๐ฎ๐‘Œ๐ท๐ฎ๐ญ๐ฒ๐‘Š๐ฎ (p. 3), uses ๐ฒ for both unstressed o and unstressed a. It also contains the striking sequence ๐ท๐ฎ๐ญ, which a modern writer might simplify to ๐ท๐ญ. The final syllable uses the KIT vowel where many present-day speakers would expect FLEECE.

The word genealogy, ๐พ๐ฏ๐‘Œ๐จ๐ฐ๐‘Š๐ฌ๐พ๐ฎ (p. 4), likewise presents a form that may surprise modern readers: ๐ฐ, the TRAP vowel, appears where some present-day pronunciations might suggest another vowel category.

Such forms should not automatically be normalized to match modern expectations. They are historical evidence. Even where the reasoning behind them is uncertain, they show how nineteenth-century editors actually applied the alphabet. Websterโ€™s dictionary and the surviving correspondence among Orson Pratt and his collaborators often provide clues, but not every form admits of a single explanation.

Three Different Tasks

The historical evidence is easiest to use if three different activities are kept separate:

Reading a historical Deseret text. When reading historical documents, allow a vowel letter to correspond to a reduced or otherwise different vowel in familiar modern speech. The printed letter does not always require an exaggeratedly full pronunciation.

Reproducing a historical Deseret spelling. When practicing or quoting the spellings of historical documents, reproduce the printed form even when you would spell the word differently yourself. The purpose is to represent the historical source accurately.

Writing your own pronunciation. When using the Deseret Alphabet independently, you may choose spellings that better represent your own speech. Those forms need not agree with every nineteenth-century printed spelling. Indeed, many modern Deseret Alphabet publications employ modern standards.

These are complementary skills, not competing ones. Historical spelling and personal/modern phonetic spelling ask and answer different questions. Published Deseret texts become much easier to decipher when that distinction is kept in view.

For a fuller discussion, see Ryan K. Shosted and N. E. Davis (2026), The Deseret Alphabet: A Fixed and Unalterable Sound (University of Illinois Press).

Continue with lessons on reading or writing, or explore nineteenth-century publications like the 1869 Book of Mormon and the First and Second readers. You can even try our typing game, which incorporates spellings from BoM69.